Sunday, September 6, 2009

An assessment of President Asif Zardari by Abbas Mehkari


Gilani's visit to Libya






Gilani's visit to Libya

WAQAR MEHDI

ARTICLE (September 06 2009): Prime Minister Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani arrived in Tripoli on 31 August on a three-day official visit to the Libyan capital to attend the 40th anniversary of the Libyan revolution. Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi and Minister for Privatisation Syed Naveed Qamar also accompanied him.

Pakistan and Libya enjoy close brotherly and friendly ties, the seeds of which were sown by Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto with the OIC summit in 1974, in which Libya President Muammer Qaddafi also participated. Libya has traditionally been a strong supporter and ally of Pakistan, with the two supporting each other on various international fora.

Libya, an oil rich state and the current chair of African ,Union has a strategic location as it lies in the vicinity of the Europe on the Mediterranean Sea. However, Libya's strategic importance for Pakistan has been enhanced by recent events. Since Libya signed "a comprehensive claims settlement" with the United States in August 2008, Libya's relations with the US and the rest of the world have witnessed a positive change.

The agreement provided a process for compensating the victims of attacks, ranging from the 1988 bombing of the Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, to the US air strikes on Tripoli and Benghazi in 1986. It thus removed a final hurdle to Libya establishing normal diplomatic and economic ties with the West and opened the way for the Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's visit to Tripoli in September 2008.

Since then, private US companies expressed interest in investing in Libya and in November 2008, the US Senate confirmed Gene A. Cretz as the first US Ambassador to Libya in over 35 years. Libya's significance is enhanced by the fact that on October 16, 2007, Libya was voted to serve on the United Nations Security Council for two years, starting January 2008. Besides, it is set to join the nuclear co-operation deals with Canada, France and also possibly the US.

A bulwark of secular government and anti-fundamentalism in a North Africa that is struggling to contain the spread of Islamic extremism, Libya is of strategic importance to Europe and the US, beyond its oil riches, notwithstanding the overwhelming significance of its energy resources.

Fully aware of its growing importance in an oil-starved world, Libya is expected to use that advantage to the full and it will no doubt guard, with Gadhafi at the forefront, its sovereign rights vociferously and assiduously.

Thus, Prime Minister Gilani's first ever official visit to the North African country was attuned to recent international developments concerning Libya specifically and more generally, an opportunity for him to meet with fellow world leaders.

The Prime Minister met with Libyan leader Moammar Qaddafi, his Libyan counterpart Baghdadi Ali Al Mahmudi, ministers and notables during which he held talks on issues of mutual interest. At an Iftar party hosted by Pakistan Ambassador Jamil Ahmed Khan, on Monday night, Prime Minister Gilani stressed the need for increased trade and investment co-operation between Pakistan and Libya in various fields, including oil and gas, housing, construction, tourism, agro-industry and defence for the mutual benefit of the two countries.

The Pakistani business leaders, who were representing major Libyan companies in construction and oil and gas sectors, including Mecko, CKT, Camco, ENI and Zveltina, discussed with Prime Minister Gilani the prospects of business opportunities in Pakistan, particularly in the fields of oil and gas, agro industry, tourism and construction-related industries.

They assured the Prime Minister of full co-operation and support in promoting trade and economic co-operation between the two brotherly countries. The Prime Minister said as the Libyan government was investing US $147 million for the construction of housing units, over next five years, Pakistan can export cement and other related material to Libya.

The Pakistani business leaders also pointed out some problems and delays in the issuance of visa by Libyan authorities for Pakistani businessmen. The Prime Minister said he would raise the issue with the Libyan side. He said that the Libyan Labour Minister would soon undertake a visit to Pakistan, which would help boost the export of Pakistani manpower to Libya.

The Prime Minister said that with Pakistan having a good gas distribution system and Libya working on exploration, the two countries can also share each other's expertise in the oil and gas sector. He said Pakistan's PPL and the OGDCL are interested to get a licence for exploration in Libya.

Among the world leaders visiting Tripoli for the celebrations, Prime Minister Gilani met with President George Abella of Malta, Philippines President Mrs Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and President Mahinda Rajapakse of Sri Lanka. Since Malta is a member of the European Union, as well as the Commonwealth, Prime Minister Gilani sought the support and co-operation of President Abella in getting GSP Plus facilities for Pakistani products to the EU market.

As Pakistan, along with a Free Trade Agreement (FTA), with the EU was seeking a GSP Plus status to have greater market access European markets, Malta can be a hub for the access of Pakistani products to North Africa and Europe. The Malta President said his country would fully support the Pakistani case for GSP Plus at the forthcoming EU ministerial meeting Stockholm. There was also an agreement on the need for exchange of trade delegations to achieve enhanced trade and economic co-operation.

In his bilateral meeting with the Philippines President Mrs Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, the Prime Minister discussed the prospects of enhanced bilateral co-operation in diverse fields. The two-way trade between the two countries has witnessed a significant increase during the last two years, with Pakistan's exports to Philippines reaching $92.8 million in the July-March period of 2007-08, as against $31 million realised in the whole year of 2006-07.

The Philippines President stated that her country was interested in procuring the supply of pharmaceuticals for the local market. It was agreed that their private sectors need to interact to help facilitate the enhanced export of medicines from Pakistan to Philippines. The two countries have been supporting each other's view point, on various issues, at the international fora, with the recent example of their close co-operation for an inter-faith dialogue at the UN.

Prime Minister Gilani also sought the co-operation and support of Philippines for Pakistan in getting the full dialogue partner status at ASEAN. Pakistan, which is following a look-East vision, became the sectoral dialogue partner at ASEAN in 1997, whereas Philippines has basic membership of ASEAN since 1967.

Pakistan, during the recent OIC FMs meeting in Damascus, supported Philippines' bid for getting an Observer status at the OIC. Prime Minister Gilani also invited the Philippines President to visit Pakistan. The last visit of a Philippines President to Pakistan was in 1997.

In his fourth meeting with Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse of Sri Lanka on Tuesday, the Prime Minister expressed Pakistan's strong desire to further strengthen multi-faceted ties and co-operation in various fields, including trade, education, pharmaceuticals, engineering, railways, diplomatic training and defence. The two leaders appreciated the fact that bilateral trade between the two countries had experienced a quantum jump after the Free Trade Agreement.

They agreed to broaden the scope of FTA to services and investment. Pakistan's exports to Sri Lank reached $214 million in 2007-08, as against $97.8 million in 2003-04, after the FTA between the two countries became effective in 2005. Prime Minister Gilani also assured the Sri Lankan President that once the investigations into the terrorist attack on the Sri Lankan team in Lahore are completed, Pakistan would share this information with Sri Lanka.

Prime Minister Gilani said that Air Blue would start flights to Colombo, adding, that the Foreign Minister would also meet the Sri Lankan Aviation Minister during his visit to Colombo for the RCD (Regional Co-operation Development) meeting in October this year. Besides his meetings with world leaders, Prime Minister Gilani's visit to Tripoli was a follow up to President Zardari's visit in May 2009, during which one agreement and six MoUs were signed.

On 2 May 2009 Pakistan and Libya signed six Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) and an agreement on extradition, employment, human resource development, higher education, culture and information, political consultations and abolition of diplomatic visas. Under the MoU, on labour and manpower, Pakistan will export to Libya about five to ten thousand manpower in the next two years to work in different fields.

According to the MoU on political consultations, the Foreign Offices of two countries would hold dialogues on issues of diplomatic importance. Under the MoU on Human Resource Development, Pakistan would offer professionals including doctors and engineers to Libya to contribute to their development.

Whereas under the MoU signed on higher education, Pakistan would offer scholarships to Libyan students. Under the MoU on visa abolition, diplomats and officials will be exempt from visas. The single Agreement signed was on exchange of prisoners, inked by Pakistan's Defence Minister Ahmed Mukhtar and Libyan Minister of Planning Dr Abdul Hafeez al-Zalitni.

(The writer is Special Assistant to the CM Sindh for Press and Media) waqar_mehdi2000@yahoo.com

Wednesday, September 2, 2009

BRIGADER IMITIAZ GIVE NAWAZ SHARIF A CLEAN CHIT AND NOW SAYS NAHID KHAN TOOK THE MONEY ....

B









Gives Nawaz a clean chit


By Mazhar Tufail

ISLAMABAD: Former Intelligence Bureau (IB) chief Brig (retd) Imtiaz Ahmed has said that Nawaz Sharif, as prime minister, never gave him any target for the character assassination or persecution of politicians or opponents.

“During my tenure in the IB, only once Mian Nawaz Sharif referred a case to me at the request of Arbab Ghulam Rahim, who met me but I excused and the prime minister did not ask me about that case again,” said Brig (retd) Imtiaz, who has caused a stir in the national politics by making some ‘controversial’ disclosures, in an exclusive talk with this correspondent at his residence here on Tuesday.

Brig (retd) Imtiaz, who has also served in the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), said that some people with vested interest were responsible for creating a communication gap between him and Nawaz. However, he still considers the twice-elected former prime minister a true, patriotic Pakistani.

He claimed that he utilised a minimum amount from the secret funds during his three-year tenure as the IB director. He never gave funds to any politician, he said, adding Masood Sharif, who was additional director IB, had given funds to former minister Muhammad Hanif Khan, Nahid Khan and several others, including opposition MNAs, in 1990.

About his alleged links to President Asif Ali Zardari and Interior Minister Senator Rehman Malik, the former IB director said this was a ridiculous and baseless impression. “As far as Rehman Malik is concerned, he had not only resorted to character assassination against me and my family, but also instituted cases against me during the first tenure of Benazir Bhutto. In revenge, Rehman Malik crossed all the limits. How can I contact such people now? The gulf created between me and the PPP by some people still exists,” he said.

Brig (retd) Imtiaz said he had tendered resignation from the Army in March 1989 because of differences on the basis of principles. Gen Aslam Beg and Lt-Gen Hamid Gul wanted him to withdraw the resignation but, when he expressed his regrets, his resignation was referred to the Ministry of Defence by the GHQ. He claimed that Gen (retd) Naseerullah Babar had put his resignation in cold storage and he was retired from the Army, along with Major (retd) Amir, on the grounds of the operation ‘Midnight Jackal.’

“The impression is completely baseless that my disclosures have weakened the position of the Army and that I have done all this to avenge my removal from the Army. I had decided to join the Army because of my adoration of ‘Khaki’. The record of my 30-year military career will testify as to how much this institution is sacred for me,” the former spymaster said. “As a former intelligence officer, who knows it better than me that the Pakistan Army is guardian of the country’s security and survival?”

The former IB director said that if an act of omission of commission of any officer in his personal capacity becomes topic of discussion because of directly or indirectly linked to the national issues, such debate did not have a negative impact on the credibility of the Army.

He said the way in which the incumbent competent leadership of the Army fought terrorism with courage and steadfastness while staying away from the politics had restored the dignity of the Army in the eyes of public as it was badly damaged during the tenure of Gen (retd) Pervez Musharraf. The martyrdom of officers and Jawans has instilled a new spirit in the Army, he remarked.

When asked about former army chief Gen (retd) Aslam Beg, the former senior ISI official said he has now retired from the Army. He said some steps during his tenure as the army chief were in fact taken in the personal capacity and linking those steps with the institution would be wide off the mark. He said the analysis of the steps having direct link with the internal politics of the country is the demand of the national interest and could not have any negative impact on the institution of the Army.

“I did neither work with Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani nor had any contact with him but on the basis of my 15-year experience as intelligence officer I can confidently say that he [Kayani] is a thorough professional. And currently all his attention is focused on galvanising professional capabilities of the Army and welfare of Jawans in particular,” Brig (retd) Imtiaz said in response to a question by The News.

Tuesday, September 1, 2009

Denouements galore
By Kamran Shafi
Tuesday, 01 Sep, 2009 | 01:26 AM PST
'Shujaat Hussain, with Mushahid ‘Mandela’ Husain faithfully by his side, had some gall to say that Nawab Akbar Bugti’s coffin should now be handed over to his family.' – APP File Photo
IN his book Memoirs and Reflections, Dr Justice Nasim Hasan Shah, former chief justice of Pakistan and a member of the hanging bench, writes (all italics mine):

'I can now tell for the first time how the chief justice and I made an attempt to save Mr Bhutto’s life. With four judges (hailing from the Punjab) apparently in favour of upholding the judgment of the LHC convicting Mr Bhutto and sentencing him to death, while the remaining three judges (all non-Punjabis) being of different viewpoint, the responsibility and strain on the shoulders of CJ Anwar ul Haq was overwhelming.

'Being a patriot to the core he was deeply distressed and disturbed by the news reaching him that in case the court decided to hang Bhutto a very negative impression would be created in other provinces especially the province of Sindh … he conceived a device which he considered might salvage the situation … he knew my relations with Justice Dorab Patel were very cordial … it was suggested that I might have a detailed talk with him regarding the case and the general situation in the country.

'Being the senior-most judge of the faction favouring the view that Mr Bhutto was not guilty, he was in a position to handle the situation.

'The proposal put forward by Anwarul Haque was that a unanimous verdict may be handed down by the court so as to obviate all provincial acrimony.

'According to him the fairest solution would be if the Punjab judges could be persuaded to agree to the awarding of a lesser sentence to Mr Bhutto (thus saving his life) while the pro-Mr Bhutto judges might agree to hold him guilty….
'Being of the same view and eager to save Mr Bhutto’s life who had been very kind to me personally in as much as he had selected me to lead the Pakistan delegation to an international conference abroad, and also chosen me to be an ad hoc judge in the SC, I readily agreed to approach Justice Patel for ascertaining his views regarding the proposal.

'Both of us got together at his Islamabad residence and discussed the whole matter over an excellent dinner he hosted for me. Justice Patel was not at all agreeable to the proposition made by the CJ. According to him the question of a judge’s judgment was a matter of his conscience and that this may not be discussed.

'I emphasised the fairness of the CJ’s offer pointing out that it was consistent with the facts and law; however, unanimity in the larger interest of the federation should not be ignored…. I told Justice Dorab Patel that finding Mr Bhutto 'not guilty' was not consistent with the thinking of the four Punjabi judges; since all of them had come to the conclusion that the evidence in the (Punjab) High Court of the officials of the FSF who had participated in the killing proved their guilt ... undoubtedly, it was only the wish of Mr Bhutto which they had carried out. I, therefore, emphasised that no attempt was being made to change or modify the judgment of any judge.

'Despite an 80-minute conversation in a friendly and courteous atmosphere … I came home very disappointed.

The next day, as Yahya Bakhtiar was continuing his pleading for Mr Bhutto, I asked him to address the court on the matter of the sentence and the mitigation considerations for reducing the sentence. He totally ignored my interjection and stated rather rudely that he was only concerned in establishing that Mr Bhutto was not guilty and deserved to be acquitted.

'It is my view that the CJ and I threw two lifelines to Mr Bhutto, and his supporters on the bench, more especially Justice Dorab Patel, and his panel of lawyers disregarded both of them. The Bhutto family and its supporters regarded the four Punjabi judges as the villains in this tense drama whereas the truth is quite the other way.

'The persons actually responsible for the sad outcome of this Greek tragedy were his friends and sympathisers who obstinately stuck to an unwise and incorrect course of action.'

So, Justices Dorab Patel, M. Haleem, and Safdar Shah, who acquitted Bhutto, were responsible for his premeditated murder?

Meanwhile, back at the ranch Oh what fun(!), as we see the head spooks of yesteryear, all of them belonging at one time or another to the Mother of All Agencies and before that to the poor Pakistan Army which has been made to bear the crosses for all of these scoundrels, tear into one another with a vengeance that can only be the product of dysfunctional organisations.

What really, really gladdens my heart is to see retired majors say to retired lieutenant generals’ faces that they are lying!!

They can kill each other for all I care, as long as they leave our political leaders alone, be it Nawaz Sharif or Asif Zardari. One has lived in this Land of the Pure long enough to know full well that far worse is yet to come. Just you wait until cooked-up personal stories come out in the press. We know, for we have seen it all, ad nauseum, before.

But try as they might, they will only fall flat on their faces as always. They should realise that this is no longer the Pakistan of the 1990s when there was hardly any access to the Internet. This is another country, and the more they persevere with their stupid and self-destructing ways the more they will harm themselves and their institutions. Well Godspeed to you sirs, for the sooner you self-destruct the better for this poor country and its hapless people.

PS Shujaat Hussain, with Mushahid ‘Mandela’ Husain faithfully by his side, had some gall to say that Nawab Akbar Bugti’s coffin should now be handed over to his family. He was sitting in the Commando’s lap when the nawab was committed to his grave in a wooden coffin padlocked with the cheapest Chinese lock, with just eight ‘security agencies’ people looking on. Just when will these people stop insulting our intelligence?

kamranshafi1@yahoo.co.uk
Gilgit-Baltistan, a de-facto province
MAHMOOD ZAMAN
ARTICLE (September 01 2009): Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani issued a landmark proclamation on August 29 joining his voice with those of more than 1.5 million people of Gilgit-Baltistan for self-rule, which they have been yearning for six decades.

Now that the people of this hitherto Federally Administered Northern Areas virtually have a de-facto province enjoying political, administrative and financial rights, with constitutional and legal guarantees with the appointment of governor, chief minister and a judicature.

Besides, a 33-member Gilgit-Baltistan Legislative Assembly has also been ordered in place; 24 of the members are to be elected directly on a party-based poll, while six seats have been reserved for women and three for technocrats in the assembly, which will have its own Rules of Business.

The new legislative assembly has been empowered to enact laws on 61 subjects. The 'province' will also have a six-member cabinet that will have the power of making and approving its annual budget. Steps have also been taken to give constitutional and legal cover to the new province.

The new entity has been established under the Gilgit-Baltistan Empowerment and Self Governance Order, 2009, approved by a special committee of the federal cabinet, which will replace the Northern Areas Legal Framework Order of 1999 for the purpose of the new administrative unit to function in complete legal harmony. Article 54 of the Constitution has been invoked to empower the new council and the assembly, in financial matters and under Article 55 of the basic law, a Gilgir-Baltistan Consolidated Fund has been created.

The establishment of Gilgit-Baltistan is by no means a small achievement in the malady of constitutional, local and international issues facing the country since its inception. The positive side of this story is that all the political parties worth their name have welcomed the decision that perches squarely on a subject that has been sensitive in nature and only a bold pragmatic decision could resolve.

This means that the country's political leadership has matured to a degree as to understand that if it wanted to keep the fire of a dispute aflame, for no material gains, or realistic ally resolve to overcome the problem. Such an empowerment has been the hallmark of PPP policies, which especially focused on conferring powers on Federally Administered Northern Areas to exercise, their political, administrative and financial powers through their elected representatives. Once again, it is to the credit of a PPP government to decide the constitutional status of the areas once a part of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir.

The status of these areas remained undetermined for decades, but is now a de-facto province as decided by the cabinet's special committee. It was not mere coincidence but a calculated and determined effort to reform the political, administrative and legislative rights of these areas, with PPP in power.

The first step to ensure some sort of legal rights to the people of these remote areas in the north, bordering China, was also taken by the PPP government headed by Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who ordered the merger of all the seven states in the region into a single geographical entity in 1972-73.

The late Bhutto also initiated a set of economic reforms in these areas and territories of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, under a project that was aimed at establishing a number of industries, mostly fruit preservation, fruit juices and slices in cans, match-box factories, timber industry, in addition to promoting tourism in these valleys of exquisite beauty, by way of government-sponsored hotels, motels and restaurants.

The Bhutto government also involved the United Nations Development Programme in projects and this world body selected a few places in Dir and Swat for launching a high-profile project that encompassed almost all the FATA, FANA and PATA. This mountain outback has been split into five districts, Gilgit, Skardu, Diamir, Ghizer and Ghanche.

Its population of 1.5 million inhabits a vast area of 72,495 sq kms. Sparsely populated as the area is, a variety of ethnic groups, like Baltees, Shinas, Vashkuns, Mughals, Kashmiris, Pathans, Ladhakhis and Turks live here and speak languages like Balti, Shina, Brushaski, Khawer, Wakhi, Turki, Tibeti, Pushto and Urdu. Before independence, Northern Areas were part of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir whose people successfully rebelled against the Maharaja of Kashmir and supported full integration into Pakistan in 1947.

Almost 60 years later, Pakistan's military, insists that the Northern Areas remain part of the disputed state of Jammu and Kashmir and that any delineation of the region's constitutional status will have to wait for a solution of the Kashmir dispute. As a result, the Northern Areas are not included in the Pakistan constitution and are not represented in parliament.

COUNCIL: The first step to give these areas a certain amount of representation was taken in 1994 under the Legal Framework Order by the Shaheed Benazir Bhutto government which gave an elected council to these areas, then comprising 24 members. For the first time, the federal government then appointed a chief secretary and four secretaries. Party-based elections were held for the first time in 1994. A member of Pakistan People's Party got elected as Deputy Chief Executive.

The PPP and Tahrik-i-Jafaria Pakistan also sent two advisors each, while Muslim League (Junejo group) had one. They were assigned public departments. Rules of Business were also framed to regulate official matters. The PPP government, in 1994, took the decision about these areas, when the region's inhabitants were, after the Zia era, were embittered by Islamabad's unwillingness to devolve power to its elected representatives. A nationalist movement, which sought almost independence, was gaining ground.

The rise of sectarian extremism, caused mainly by General Zia's dictatorial regime, was an alarming consequence of this denial of basic political rights in a region where Sunnis, Shias and Ismailis had peacefully coexisted for several centuries.

SUPREME COURT: Then came a landmark judgement of the Supreme which directed the federal government on May 28, 1999, to extend, within six months, fundamental freedoms to the Northern Areas, allowing its people to be governed by their elected representatives.

However, the apex court did not pass a definite direction about the kind of government in those areas in view of "the very sensitive location." The government of Nawaz Sharif was in the process of a package and a decision to hold another election of the council when the military took over.

However, the Sharif's government also contributed to the delay, by introducing amendments to the Legal Framework Order 1994, which gave legislative council to these areas, and was made nine months after the six-month period as stipulated by the Supreme Court. Under the amendment, the Northern Area Council was renamed Northern Area Legislative Council and was authorised legislation in 40 items; its membership was raised to 29, five of them reserved for women.

Notwithstanding, the scope of the rights to be exercised by the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly and the executive council for the present, in view of certain international and constitutional expediencies, the very fact that the right of the people has been acknowledged by a leadership that is not averse to taking bold initiatives in the wider human rights context, itself speaks of the earnestness that the ruling PPP has demonstrated. Such an attitude holds high promise and no-one can be unsure of the scope of these rights to keep on enlarging.

BENAZIR BEHAN BASTI















KARACHI: The PPP-led government has announced another welfare scheme, the Benazir Behan Basti Programme (BBBP), for poor women.

President Asif Ali Zardari announced this new scheme in a meeting with Sindh government officials at the Bilawal House here on Monday. The meeting was attended by Sindh Chief Minister Qaim Ali Shah, Governor Ishratul Ebad, provincial ministers Pir Mazharul Haq, Dr Zulfikar Mirza, Agha Siraj Durrani, Murad Ali Shah, Manzoor Wasan, Ali Nawaz Shah, Jam Mehtab Dahar, Ayaz Soomro and Shazia Marri.

Zardari directed the provincial authorities to launch the programme from Sindh. Under the new scheme, poor women holding Benazir Income Support Programme cards will be given land by the government. Financial assistance would be sought from the Friends of Democratic Pakistan Forum for this scheme.

The meeting also focused on providing housing facilities to police personnel. Various development programmes for Lyari were also reviewed and the president asked the authorities to make functional the Cardiovascular Unit in the Lyari General Hospital.

Governor Dr Ishratul Ebad and CM Syed Qaim Ali Shah informed the president that an area of one thousand acres will be vacated on the Maripur Road. The president said the vacated land should be used for the construction of the Lyari University.

In a separate meeting with Governor Dr Ishratul Ebad and Chief Minister Qaim Ali Shah, the president emphasised the need for all political parties to work together. He also directed that all coalition partners should be taken into confidence on major decisions.

analysis: A step in the right direction —Rasul Bakhsh Rais

Since Gilgit-Baltistan was part of the Jammu and Kashmir state, its fate became linked to which way the disputed state would go. This was implicitly the reason for the six-decades-long delay in restructuring the governance of the region

Granting a sort of autonomy, or self-rule, to the Gilgit-Baltistan region is the first critical step in the right direction. This is something that the people of the region have been demanding for a very long time.

But is the proposed structure of self-governance that is going to be implemented through a presidential ordinance enough, or do we need more in terms of autonomy from the outset of reforms than wait for further political demands? Have we, in this sense, neglected Gilgit-Baltistan?

The people of this rugged and difficult region have their own individuality and a sense of ethnic identity that has been shaped by history and geography over a long period of time. There is no doubt that this sparsely populated, vast region has diverse communities within it, but at the same time there are overlapping bonds of religion, language and social networks.

Parallel to unifying themes, there are also distinctive feelings among communities at the local level, a pattern similar to the social patchwork that we see in mountain communities.

Unlike tribal communities, the social networks that we have observed in Gilgit-Baltistan are essentially non-feudal, less hierarchical and more open to social change and development than even mainstream areas in the rest of Pakistan. One is greatly impressed by how local communities have embraced the idea of education, community organisation and development, often in competition to outdo others in achieving social and developmental objectives.

The people of Gilgit-Baltistan rightly take pride in liberating themselves from the Raja of Kashmir in 1947 and unconditionally acceding to Pakistan. This region like many others in the subcontinent had changed hands among local and foreign rulers before the Raja of Jammu and Kashmir annexed it in his ambitious quest of empire building.

Since Gilgit-Baltistan was part of the Jammu and Kashmir state, its final fate became linked to which way the disputed state would go. This was implicitly the reason for the six-decades-long delay in restructuring the governance of the region. In fact, equally crucial was the act in 1948 to separate Gilgit-Baltistan from what became known as Azad Kashmir or the Pakistani part of the disputed Jammu and Kashmir state.

It is interesting that Kashmiri nationalists on both sides of the Line of Control claim Gilgit-Baltistan as an inherent part of the Jammu and Kashmir state. The Indian government also took a similar position when it raised questions about Pakistan’s border demarcation agreement with China in 1963. In fact, Pakistan and China while signing the border agreement added a proviso that it was subject to the final settlement of the Kashmir dispute.

In the coming weeks and months, we will see a storm of protest from Kashmiri nationalists and even mainstream Kashmiri leaders over granting self-rule to Gilgit-Baltistan. One of the fundamental reasons Gilgit-Baltistan couldn’t get the status of a province was our interest in placating Kashmiris’ feelings.

There are two important issues that we need to discuss in this regard. First, who should really determine who the people of Gilgit-Baltistan are? No external power and group can fix the identity of any community. What is important in this case and universally acknowledged is how the people define themselves and the identity they give to themselves.

In our part, there are two sides to such identities, territorial and linguist-ethnic. The latter is much fuzzier because the territorial units we have evolved over centuries are not ethnically exclusive but contain other ethnic and linguistic groups. Gilgit-Baltistan has a territorial identity and a deep sense of historicity. But its linguistic particularities that are natural features of mountain communities living in isolated valleys are not too sharp to divide them into smaller identities.

How do the people of Gilgit-Baltistan define themselves? They may have petty regional differences, and sub-regional identities like Hunza and Nagar, but they don’t refer to themselves as Kashmiris. The only thing apparently common with the state of Jammu and Kashmir is their being subject to foreign rule against their will, and against which they rebelled and secured their freedom. But their freedom from the ruler of Jammu and Kashmir was unfortunately followed by direct federal rule from Islamabad in an independent Pakistan. But then the complex triangle of Kashmir, India and Pakistan and the sensitivities of the Kashmiri leaders that we have supported unconditionally at a great cost and may continue to do so were resistant in recognising the historic name and character of Gilgit-Baltistan.

The name sounds so natural and comes so easy on tongue than the bureaucratic characterisation of this historic people as the “Northern Areas of Pakistan”. The title Islamabad gave to this region and its people was devoid of human touch, as if territory mattered more than the people who have lived there for thousands of years.

The people in fact matter when they are granted the identity they wish to adopt, freedoms, and autonomy within a national framework of the state. There is no conflict and cannot be conflict between a national government and a region and province when powers are adequately devolved to the units to their satisfaction. This kind of federalism is a necessity in ethnically diverse countries like Pakistan.

Recognising self-rule for Gilgit-Baltistan should be considered a first instalment of governance reform with the objective of giving it the full status of province. The region has all the essential features, strengths, resources and more importantly political aspirations to become a province. The size of population should never matter in recognising such an historical realities; just cast a look at the variations in the sizes of American states: what matters is history for Rhode Island, Delaware and New Hampshire and not their demographic strength compared to California and New York.

The decision that the PPP and its coalition partners have taken in recognising rights of the people of Gilgit-Baltistan is courageous and politically mature. More than that it will pull the people of this region out of administrative mumbo-jumbo and set them on a clear path of political evolution to a province. It would be better and more far reaching if provincial status for Gilgit-Baltistan is settled in the constitutional reform package now, than to leave it for future political dispensations.

Finally, Kashmiri nationalists lack sound reasons for tagging Gilgit-Baltistan to Jammu and Kashmir. In their own struggle, what matters is their sense of identity, constitutive elements of community and historical facts that they believe separate them from the rest. Why then do they deny the same right to the people of Gilgit-Baltistan to define who they are and what type of political arrangements they want for themselves?

Dr Rasul Bakhsh Rais is author of Recovering the Frontier State: War, Ethnicity and State in Afghanistan (Oxford University Press, 2008) and a professor of Political Science at the Lahore University of Management Sciences. He can be reached at rasul@lums.edu.pk